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Galeni pergamensis de temperamentis, et de inaequali intemperie

Galeni pergamensis de temperamentis, et de inaequali intemperie
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Author: Galen
Title: Galeni pergamensis de temperamentis, et de inaequali intemperie
Release Date: 2019-02-27
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Copyright Status: Public domain in the USA.
Date added: 27 March 2019
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Transcriber’s Note: Whilst the publishers of the original text intended it as afacsimile reproduction, this was not considered practical for an e-text. Theoriginal used, for example, scribal abbreviations and the long s, making itunnecessarily difficult to read. These have been converted. In addition the mistakesnoted in the INDEX ERRATORVM have been addressed, and a number of other errors(listed at the end) were picked up on and changed, based on a comparison withanother edition of the same work printed in Paris in 1523.

GALENI PERGAMENSIS
DE TEMPERAMENTIS, ET DE
INAEQVALI INTEMPERIE

[1]

Portrait of Linacre

[2]

Cover image

GALENI PERGAMENSIS
DE TEMPERAMENTIS, ET DE
INAEQVALI INTEMPERIE

LIBRI TRES

THOMA LINACRO ANGLO INTERPRETE.

Opus non medicis modo, sed et philosophis oppido quam necessariumnunc primum prodit in lucem

CVM GRATIA
& Priuilegio.

Impressum apud praeclaram Cantabrigiam per Joannem Siberch,anno MDXXI.

Reproduced in exact Facsimile

WITH AN INTRODUCTION

BY
JOSEPH FRANK PAYNE, M.D., F.R.C.P.
FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD

AND A PORTRAIT OF THOMAS LINACRE

Printed by C. J. Clay, M.A. Printer to the University of Cambridge
for
Alexander Macmillan and Robert Bowes, Booksellers
No. 1 Trinity Street, over against Saint Mary’s Church

MDCCCLXXXI


[3]

PUBLISHERS’ NOTE.

The present reproduction of Linacre’s translation of two treatisesby Galen is issued as a specimen of early typography, being thesixth in order of the seven books printed by John Siberch, the firstCambridge printer, in 1521. Besides these seven, one appeared in1522, after which date no book is known to have been printed inCambridge till 1584. The books printed by Siberch are all veryscarce; of one but a single copy is known, and of three of the booksthere is not a single specimen in Cambridge. In 1878, the publishersof the present volume proposed to issue the whole of the eight books,and the following are now ready, and will shortly be published:

1. Bullock, Henry. Oratio habita Cantabrigiae. 1521.

2. Cujusdam fidelis Christiani Epistola ad Christianos omnes. Subsequituret Divi Augustini de miseria … vitæ sermo. 1521.

8. Papyrii Gemini Eleatis Hermathena, seu de Eloquentiae victoria. 1522.

Mr Bradshaw, University Librarian, has compared the eight booksside by side, and has thus been able to determine their relative order.He kindly allows his notes to be printed, and they will be issuedwith the first of the above three volumes.

[4]

The Publishers are desirous of gaining information about theprinter, John Siberch, before 1521, when he commenced to print inCambridge, and after 1522 when he discontinued printing there.Herbert suggests that he may be the John Sibert, who was printingat Lyons in 1498, and mentions a book of that date being in theCambridge University Library. But this book, Henrici Bouhic Distinctionessuper libros quinque Decretalium, consists of two largefolio volumes, and the printer calls himself ‘Magister JohannesSiberti;’ both of which facts make it unreasonable to identify himwith the plain Johannes Siberch who printed little books at Cambridgeso many years afterwards.

Cambridge, July 1, 1881.


[5]

INTRODUCTION.

Thomas Linacre, known to his contemporariesas one of the most learned scholars of an epochwhen learning was highly prized, but in after timeschiefly as the founder of the College of Physicians inLondon, was born at Canterbury, probably about the year 1460.Of his parentage and descent nothing certain is known, thoughsome of his biographers have assumed, apparently withoutany evidence except the name, that he was connected withthe family of Linacre in Derbyshire. It is clear from apassage in Linacre’s will that he had a brother, sisters, andother relatives (the brother strange to say, bearing the samebaptismal name—Thomas) but further the family history cannotbe traced.

This fact will appear less surprising, if we remember thatLinacre like many scholars of his time, was never married,and lived for many years an almost monastic life, littleinfluenced by family or social ties. More important than hisdescent was his education, and in this Linacre was unusuallyhappy; for not a little of the success and eminence of his[6]after life may be traced to the bias which the young scholar’smind received from his earliest teacher. The Cathedralschool of Canterbury within the monastery of Christ Churchwhere Linacre became a pupil was at that time under thedirection of William Tilly, otherwise called William of Selling,an Augustinian monk, and a scholar of a type at that timerare in England. Originally educated at Oxford, elected aFellow of the newly founded College of All Souls, and afterwardsreceived as a monk in the Monastery of Christ Church,Canterbury, Selling found the means to travel in Italy, wherehe not only studied the Canon Law, but, what is more to thepresent purpose, during a stay at Bologna, studied Greekand became the pupil of Angelo Politiano. After two years’stay in Italy, he returned home, became Prior of ChristChurch, and later on was sent as Envoy from Henry VII. tothe papal court; an event which proved of great importance toLinacre. At the time of which we are now speaking, he wasonly Master of the Grammar School, whether appointed beforeor after his first journey to Italy we do not know. In anycase it is clear that he had already those tastes and pursuitsfrom which his pupil Linacre derived not only his determiningimpulse to the life of a scholar, but especially that love ofGreek literature which runs like a thread through the greatphysician’s life and is the clue to much of his versatile literaryactivity.

At the mature age (especially according to the customs ofthe day) of twenty, Linacre was sent to Oxford. At whatCollege or Hall he studied is uncertain, though it is assumed,on trivial grounds that he must have entered at CanterburyHall. The only fact which is certain is that after four years’residence at the University, in 1484, he was elected a fellowof All Souls’ College. It has been thought by Dr Noble[7]Johnson, the best biographer of Linacre, that this electionmust have implied relationship to Archbishop Chichele, thefounder, and thus also to Selling, assuming that the latter owedhis preferment also to family connexions. But the entry inthe College books (which though not contemporary is a copythought to have been made about 1571 of the original record)has no indication of his being of founder’s kin. It is simply“Thomas Lynaker, medicus insignis.” The omission to specifykinship to the founder is regarded by Dr Leighton thepresent Warden of All Souls (he was himself good enoughto inform me) as decisive that no such kinship existed, andthe supposition of any family tie between Linacre andChichele or Selling must therefore be regarded as entirelybaseless[1].

The time of Linacre’s residence at Oxford was one ofmuch moment in the history of the University, already stirredby the earliest movements of the revival of learning. Thefirst Oxford printing press was already issuing those fewvolumes, now become so rare, which must have been ofstartling interest to the world of scholars. The study of thenew learning, Greek, had been introduced by Cornelio Vitali,an Italian, said to have been the first teacher of that languagein England, and it is stated that Linacre became his pupil. Atthe same time he doubtless formed the acquaintance of twoscholars who shared his devotion to the ‘new learning,’William Grocyn and William Latimer, the former of whomsurvived to form part, with Linacre himself, of the brilliantcircle of Oxford scholars, who a few years later excited theadmiration of Erasmus.

But Linacre was soon to have the privilege which hemust have long coveted, of perfecting his knowledge ofGreek at what was then the fountain-head of that learning,[8]in the schools of Italy. The opportunity came through hisold friend and teacher, William of Selling, who was sent byHenry the Seventh as his envoy to the Papal Court. It isnot clear that Linacre had any official position in the embassy;he accompanied his patron however, as far as Bologna, butnot in his further journey to Rome. At Bologna Linacreis stated by Leland to have been introduced to AngeloPolitiano, and to have remained there in order to become apupil of this great scholar. His stay in Bologna appearsto have been short, and we next hear of him at Florence,having perhaps followed thither Politiano, who along withDemetrius Chalcondylas had now been charged with theinstruction of the two sons of Lorenzo de Medici, Piero andGiovanni. Linacre seems to have been favoured with thepatronage of Lorenzo, who allowed him to share the instructionsgiven to the young princes. It is not easy tounderstand precisely what was the position Linacre nowoccupied at the Court of Florence, for though his fellowpupils were boys and he himself a man of twenty-five andalready a considerable scholar, he is not spoken of as in anysense their tutor. The connexion however must have beenin after years valuable to him, as the dedication of the worknow reprinted clearly shews: the pope Leo the Tenth, beingthe younger of the two Medici princes. It will be evidentfrom the dedication itself that the privilege accorded toLinacre was shared by others, and it was therefore perhapsnot so important as it has been regarded. It is enough toknow that he studied under such eminent scholars as Politianoand Chalcondylas, and thus laid the foundation of the elegancein Latin scholarship and profundity in Greek learning forwhich he was afterwards distinguished.

After a year thus spent in Florence, Linacre proceeded to[9]Rome, where his studies in the Vatican library procured himthe acquaintance of another great scholar, Hermolaus Barbarus.It is possible that this acquaintance may have givenLinacre’s studies a bias in the direction of medicine; for Barbarus,though not a physician, had devoted himself speciallyto the study of Dioscorides, whose works he translated intoLatin, and illustrated with commentaries, more than once reprinted.It is suggested by Dr Noble Johnson that the exampleand arguments of Hermolaus Barbarus may have given Linacre’smind a bias of a different kind, namely towards a singlelife; for the Italian scholar, we are told, wrote a treatise infavour of celibacy at the age of eighteen, and never afterwardsdeviated either in practice or theory from the principlesthere advocated. Barbarus was also a great Aristotelianscholar, and in this direction also he may have influenced themind of Linacre; who afterwards undertook and partly carriedout a plan which had also been among the projects of theelder scholar, of a complete translation of the works of Aristotle.In other less important matters, the influence of HermolausBarbarus seems traceable, and if Linacre took as hismodel in a learned life any of the great scholars with whomhe studied, it was certainly rather Hermolaus than anyother.

From Rome Linacre went to Venice, and here made thevaluable acquaintance of the great printer, Aldus ManutiusRomanus, who was then engaged in bringing out some of themost important editions of the classics, by which he earnedthe gratitude of scholars. Aldus appears to have treated theEnglish scholar with great kindness, which is acknowledged,as a personal favour, by William Grocyn, in a letter to Aldus,which must have been written shortly after Linacre’s returnfrom Italy. After acknowledging the kindness shewn[10]to his friend Linacre, Grocyn goes on to thank Aldus, in thename of English scholars especially for his editions of theGreek classics, and commends his preference for Aristotle toPlato. The rest of this letter, the style of which is praised byErasmus, is interesting, especially as the only extant composition,except two trifling epigrams, of this once celebratedscholar, but has no further reference to our subject. Aldusprefixed it to Linacre’s translation of Proclus On the Sphere,printed by him in the year 1499[2], in order (as he says in hisdedication of this work to Albertus Pius, prince of Carpi) tomake the Italian philosophers ashamed of their bad Latin,and lead them to rival the Englishmen. In the dedicationjust named Aldus pays a high compliment to Linacre’s scholarship,which may be quoted here, though written later.“Linacre,” he says, “has translated this work with elegance andlearning.

“Qui utinam et Simplicium in Aristotelis Physica, et inejusdem meteora Alexandrum quos nunc summâ curâ Latinosfacit, ad me dedisset, ut et illos unâ cum Proclo ad te mitterem.Quanquam (ut spero) eosque et alios in Philosophiâ,medicinâque perutiles

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