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Popular misgovernment in the United States

Popular misgovernment in the United States
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Title: Popular misgovernment in the United States
Release Date: 2018-09-07
Type book: Text
Copyright Status: Public domain in the USA.
Date added: 27 March 2019
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POPULAR MISGOVERNMENT IN THE
UNITED STATES

{ii} 

{iii} 

POPULAR MISGOVERNMENT
IN THE UNITED STATES

BY
ALFRED B. CRUIKSHANK


1920
MOFFAT, YARD & COMPANY
NEW YORK
{iv}
COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY
MOFFAT, YARD & COMPANY
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CONTENTS

 PAGE
CHAPTER I
PAST FAILURE AND FUTURE DANGERS OF UNLIMITED SUFFRAGE1
CHAPTER II
THE OLDEST AND THE BEST AMERICAN TRADITIONS FAVOR A RESTRICTED SUFFRAGE28
CHAPTER III
THE SUFFRAGE IS NOT A NATURAL RIGHT BUT A FUNCTION OF GOVERNMENT AND MAY THEREFORE PROPERLY BE RESTRICTED TO THOSE COMPETENT TO EXERCISE IT40
CHAPTER IV
THE STATE AS THE DEPUTY OF SOCIETY POSSESSES THE JUST POWER OF ORDAINING FRANCHISE QUALIFICATIONS50
CHAPTER V
THE CAPACITY TO CREATE AND PRESERVE PRIVATE PROPERTY IS THE PROPER TEST AND PROOF OF QUALIFICATION FOR ACTIVE CITIZENSHIP IN AN ADVANCED DEMOCRACY59
CHAPTER VI
ORIGIN AND FIRST APPEARANCE OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE AS PART OF THE FRENCH TERRORIST MACHINERY78
CHAPTER VII
IMPORTANT INFLUENCE OF FRENCH RED RADICALISM IN PROPAGATING THE MANHOOD SUFFRAGE DOCTRINE IN THE UNITED STATES83
CHAPTER VIII
THE SAFEGUARD OF A PROPERTY QUALIFICATION FOR VOTERS WAS DISCARDED BY A GENERATION OF AMERICANS WHO DID NOT REALIZE ITS VALUE OR THE DANGERS ATTENDANT UPON UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE88
CHAPTER IX
FIRST EFFECTS AND SUBSEQUENT RESULTS OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE; SPOILS SYSTEM; TRAFFIC IN VOTES; ORGANIZED CORRUPTION; THE BOSS; THE{vi}MACHINE; RULE OF POLITICAL OLIGARCHY109
CHAPTER X
SHORT SKETCHES OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE PROGENY; THE POLITICIAN AND THE BOSS; THEIR CREATIONS, THE RING AND THE MACHINE; AND THEIR BY-PRODUCT, THE LOBBY135
CHAPTER XI
THE EFFECT OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE IS TO FASTEN ON THE COUNTRY AND MAKE PERMANENT THE RULE OF THE POLITICIANS158
CHAPTER XII
INJURIOUS EFFECT OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE UPON AMERICAN LEGISLATIVE BODIES174
CHAPTER XIII
MANHOOD SUFFRAGE AS APPLIED TO THE GOVERNMENT OF AMERICAN CITIES HAS NOT ONLY BEEN A FAILURE BUT A DISASTER AND A SCANDAL190
CHAPTER XIV
BRIEF REFERENCE TO MANY NOTED DISCLOSURES OF GOVERNMENTAL CORRUPTION MOSTLY IN STATE AND FEDERAL AFFAIRS SINCE THE INSTITUTION OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE EN THE UNITED STATES218
CHAPTER XV
THE FOUR YEARS CIVIL WAR IN THE UNITED STATES IS DIRECTLY CHARGEABLE TO MANHOOD SUFFRAGE244
CHAPTER XVI
FAILURE AND CONDEMNATION OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE AFTER A TEN YEARS’ EXPERIMENT IN THE SOUTHERN STATES253
CHAPTER XVII
THE EFFECT OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE IS TO ENSURE INEFFICIENCY IN DOMESTIC LEGISLATION AND ADMINISTRATION267
CHAPTER XVIII
WEAKNESS AND INEFFICIENCY OF OUR MANHOOD SUFFRAGE GOVERNMENT IN ITS FOREIGN RELATIONS293
CHAPTER XIX
ROTATION IN OFFICE; A MISCHIEVOUS BY-PRODUCT OF THE MANHOOD SUFFRAGE DOCTRINE AND ANOTHER FACTOR IN POPULAR MISGOVERNMENT AND HEREIN OF CIRCUMLOCUTION OFFICE REFORM305
CHAPTER XX
THE EFFECT OF THE OPERATION OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE HAS BEEN TO GIVE{vii}A LOWER TONE TO AMERICAN PUBLIC LIFE315
CHAPTER XXI
GENERAL PRIVATE AND PUBLIC CONDEMNATION BY THE INTELLIGENT CLASSES OF MANHOOD SUFFRAGE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT IN THE UNITED STATES; AND HEREIN OF WATCH DOGS AND YELLOW DOGS320
CHAPTER XXII
THE ELECTORATE FUNCTIONS NOT BY ITS INDIVIDUALS BUT BY GROUPS WHEREBY THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF THE SHIFTLESS AND IGNORANT GROUP NECESSARILY TENDS TO CREATE A VICIOUS POWER IN POLITICS334
CHAPTER XXIII
ANSWER TO THE PLEA THAT THE BALLOT SHOULD BE GRANTED TO THE UNPROPERTIED CLASSES AS A PROTECTIVE WEAPON341
CHAPTER XXIV
ANSWER TO THE PLEA THAT THE PRIVILEGE OF SUFFRAGE BE GRANTED TO ALL AS A MEANS OF POLITICAL EDUCATION; AND HEREIN OF SILK PURSES MADE FROM SOW’S EARS AND OF AMATEUR HARPING347
CHAPTER XXV
ANSWER TO SUGGESTION THAT UNLIMITED SUFFRAGE IS A PART OF AMERICAN LIBERTY354
CHAPTER XXVI
AN UNQUALIFIED NUMERICAL MAJORITY RULE IS NOT IN ACCORD WITH GOOD STATESMANSHIP367
CHAPTER XXVII
OF EDUCATIONAL AND AGE SUFFRAGE QUALIFICATIONS FOR VOTERS373
CHAPTER XXVIII
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN THEORY378
CHAPTER XXIX
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN PRACTICE408
CHAPTER XXX
A PROPERLY QUALIFIED ELECTORATE WILL REMOVE THE CAUSES OF THE PRESENT POPULAR DISSATISFACTION AND SERVE AS A DEFENSE AGAINST THE PRESENT MENACE OF BOLSHEVISM421
CHAPTER XXXI
THE CASE IS URGENT; THERE SHOULD BE NO DELAY WHATEVER IN ESTABLISHING THIS GOVERNMENT UPON A PROPERTY BASIS434
CHAPTER XXXII
CONCLUSION439
BRIEF SKETCH OF WRITERS REFERRED TO449

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POPULAR MISGOVERNMENT
IN THE UNITED STATES

CHAPTER I

PAST FAILURE AND FUTURE DANGERS OF UNLIMITED SUFFRAGE

Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest canrepair; the event is in the hand of God.Washington

Great numbers of discerning Americans must by this time have beenbrought to realize that something practical must shortly be done in thiscountry by the believers in private property and private property rightsto safeguard the nation from its threatened invasion by Bolshevism,Socialism and other various forms of anti-individualism, or else we arein for a hard and possibly a bloody struggle to maintain the veryfundamentals of our social and political systems. From time to time inthis country as in every other there occur periods of extraordinarydanger to the political structure. In the past we have had several suchepisodes, the most noted being that of the secession movementculminating in 1860 and 1861. The seriousness of the present menace ofcommunism in its various forms is due not so much to the strength of thecommunist faction, considerable though it be, as to the weakness of ourcivic structure consequent upon the long continued and increasinggeneral distrust and suspicion of our actual political agencies and theconfirmed popular dissatisfaction with their operations. Meantime,nothing adequately effective either in the way of strengthening ourinstitutions or of disarming opposition thereto is being done or haseven been proposed. A lot of vigorous denunciation has been directedagainst native{2} and foreign Bolshevism, all thoroughly deserved and notwithout effect on the public mind, but falling far short of positiveacts of defense or protection. Bolshevism is in the field not merely asan abstract doctrine, to be answered with words, but as an active andaggressive force which must be met by measures of active resistance.Such measures to be effective must take the shape of the creation ofpractical means and methods of offense and defense. The case is not onewhich admits of trifling; the attack is fundamental, the danger isvital, and cannot be effectually met by superficial expedients.

Now there is happily one available measure of protection and defenseagainst Bolshevism and all its assaults, one which is manifestlyappropriate and will be absolutely efficacious. It is one which has longbeen highly desirable for other reasons hereinafter set forth, but whichin view of the menace of radicalism is now imperatively demanded. Itconsists in such a reform of the electorate itself as will make itimpassible and impervious to every influence subversive of our basicinstitutions. An electorate of male private property owners oftwenty-five years of age and upwards would constitute an absolutebarrier against all attacks on private property from any quarter; itsestablishment would summarily and forever terminate all hopes ofBolshevistic revolution in this country and ensure the American peoplefreedom to enjoy the noble future which Providence has made possible tothem.

The cause of private property rights is in the truest sense the Americancause and that to which all other national causes political and socialare subordinate. Those rights involve almost everything which is dear tothe American heart. Even our governmental institutions are of secondaryimportance, they are the instruments merely; the means whereby we seekto obtain among other aids and aims the protection of private property,the absolute assurance to each American of the use and enjoyment of thefruits of his toil, of his self denial and of his foresight. This viewis not novel in our politics. It was thoroughly familiar to ourEighteenth Century statesmen, it{3} was part of the political faith ofsome of the most prominent among them, including a majority of thepolitical leaders of the Revolutionary epoch. They endeavored to securethese ends and to ensure the future of the new nation by requiringwherever possible a property qualification for voters. Had this practiseand its underlying principle been adhered to and (with propermodifications for changed conditions as they might occur) had thegovernment been continued on the basis on which the wise and prudent menof that time endeavored to establish it, it would at this momentrepresent a satisfactory approximation of a true and scientificdemocracy able to hold in safe derision its critics and enemies. But theprinciple of a properly qualified electorate, so vitally essential to anefficient democracy has been repudiated and abandoned; the practise ofunlimited white suffrage has been general amongst us for about ninetyyears, and today there can be no doubt that there is a prospect ofdanger to our country, not because of lack of courage and loyalty in hersons, but because of the unhealthy organism of our body politic, whosemodern basic principle, unlimited suffrage, ignores property rights, andlooks to control by the representatives of the inefficient and theproletariat whenever they can secure a numerical majority at the polls,thus incidentally accomplishing what Bolshevism directly aims at.

And now that private property rights heretofore considered asunquestionable are openly attacked, we must prepare for their defense,for the defense of the family, of the American social system and thefree individual life, all three of which depend on private property fortheir existence. The time has come when the institution of privateproperty must be formally recognized and defended as fundamental to ourexistence as a nation, and such recognition requires and involves theallotment to that institution of a place and influence in our electoralsystem. Private property cannot safely rely for its defense uponofficials who are dependent upon the votes of the non-property holdingpopulace. There is no way of{4} final avoidance of the issue, or even oflong postponing it. This nation must either declare itself definitely asadhering to the principle of private property rights or it must expectdisaster. And first, the cause of private property rights needsorganization and self consciousness. Property holders cannot properlydefend a cause which has never declared itself and which has neitherstandard nor leaders, while its enemies have both, and are not onlyproclaiming their convictions with courage, but have enacted them intoliving statutes wherever they have power. If the institution of privateproperty is to endure in this country it must be formally recognized asrepresenting a sacred cause, to be carefully committed into the hands ofits friends; the electorate must be made over into a property qualifiedbody, and all temptation to Bolshevism must be removed from the Americanpolitician. Let this be done, let the constitution of every State beamended so that our voting mass shall be virile and substantial, andfreed from the element of effeminacy and inefficiency now socontrolling; give the conservative good sense of the nation a rallyingpoint, an official standard, an authoritative creed, and it willspeedily make short work of the enemies of social order and of soundpolitical institutions.

But there is a great deal more to be said in favor of a propertyqualification for voters than that it will be a wall against Bolshevism.It will act on our political internal system as a tonic and a purifier.It sometimes occurs in politics and statesmanship that two mischiefs areso bound together that they can be destroyed at one blow. Such was thecase in 1861-1865,

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